‘The right thing still hasn’t happened’

When you’re meeting a wildly prolific, multi-award winning character actor, you might well assume you’d be able to pick them out of a crowd. But when I cross paths with Monica Dolan outside the rehearsal rooms of the Donmar theatre in London, she works out who I am first.

She’s preparing to star here in sombre school shooting drama Mass, and that means she’s swapped the platinum blonde mop she wore in some of her biggest roles (Mr Bates vs The Post Office; Sherwood) for a more unassuming look: natural, short brown hair paired with a T-shirt and an air of mild anxiety. Soon, we’re swapping firmly unglamorous tips about winding down before bed (she favours sneaking off for a chamomile tea just before curtain call, “otherwise I won’t get to sleep ’til 2am!”).

She might not frequently get stopped in the street, but Dolan is an essential presence in the TV she stars in: she’s completely absorbed into whatever role she plays, whether it’s her Bafta-winning, haunting role as infamous murderer Rosemary West in Appropriate Adult (2011), or her Olivier-earning stage part as a loyal 1950s wife in All About Eve (2019).

Is it surreal using her body as a blank canvas for make-up artists to transform into such an eclectic array of roles? “When I look in the mirror as a character, I’m nearly always looking at them quite objectively,” says Dolan, matter of factly. “I’ll be thinking, you know, the eyeliner could be a bit heavier. Things like that.” When she played – spoiler alert – terrifying drug cartel head Ann Branson in BBC crime drama Sherwood, it took quite a bit of experimenting before the character’s psychopathic tendencies really came to the fore. “In costume fittings I Iike to try everything on, because even if it feels wrong, that gives you some information. Then I put on this black leather coat and thought, ‘Okay, that’s her’.”

Mass donmar Warehouse Photo credit: Richard Hubert Smith. Image supplied by Kate Morley
Dolan in Mass at the Donmar Warehouse (Photo: Richard Hubert Smith)

But mostly, Dolan’s preferred method of getting into a character isn’t through raiding the wardrobes – it’s through scouring the library. When preparing to play Rosemary West, she went straight to the murderer’s solicitor to get her hands on the official court transcripts, and studied them for telling, humanising details (West enjoyed watching a pigeon on her windowsill).

Now, she’s poring over autobiographies as she prepares to play the role of Linda, mother of a school shooter. “I don’t know what I would have done without [American author and activist] Sue Klebold’s book,” she says. “Her son Dylan was one of the shooters at Columbine, and it’s been extraordinarily helpful, because there’s no shying away from examining her own situation and all the emotions that go with that.”

There’s potential that the tragedy at the centre of this story could feel remote to British audiences. “We’re a small knobbly little country so it was much more straightforward to change our gun laws after Dunblane,” says Dolan. “Whereas the US is this vast space, where guns are something the culture was founded on – you know, that’s how America was taken from the Native Americans.”

Still, what Mass does speak to is a growing British interest in different forms of justice – ones that go beyond punishment. James Graham’s Punch recently won an Olivier Award for its potent retelling of the true story of a 19-year-old who killed a man with a single punch, then atoned for his actions in long, painful conversations with the victim’s parents.

Mass donmar Warehouse Photo credit: Richard Hubert Smith. Image supplied by Kate Morley
What ‘Mass’ does speak to is a growing British interest in different forms of justice – ones that go beyond punishment (Photo: Richard Hubert Smith)s

Similarly, instead of raking through the chaos of the shooting’s immediate aftermath, the play – by TV actor-turned-writer Fran Kranz – focuses on a reconciliation that takes place years later. It first premiered as a critically acclaimed indie film in 2021, winning plaudits for its tense, faltering look at a meeting between the parents of a school shooter and the parents of a victim.

Dolan believes the intimate London staging will let her feel the audience’s reactions in real time. “It’s something that divides people, and you can sense that in the room,” she says. “The play doesn’t shy away from how difficult [the parents’ meeting] is and what it costs.”

Dolan’s television work has of course made a strong impact, too.

She played post office operator Jo Hamilton in Mr Bates vs The Post Office – a true story drama so acclaimed it embarrassed the government into finally taking action to help sub-postmasters who’d lost their savings, livelihoods, and in four cases, their lives.

Did its success give her hope that stories could change the world? “The right thing won’t have happened until everyone’s got their money,” she says, bluntly. Then, softening, she adds “but as far as your work goes, it does sort of make you think, ‘Okay, maybe it is worth doing’. I felt really incredibly proud of the audience, and of just how angry people were. It was very exciting that people cared”.

She had the challenge of filming the show at the same time as Sherwood. “One Sunday we were filming Mr Bates in central London, and there was a van waiting in the carpark to take me and my dog straight to Skegness that night, to film Sherwood the next morning. If you’re technically sort of free, then people think you’re available. But you also need to sleep,” she adds ruefully.

I ask her what it was like morphing from a kind, flustered everywoman into the terrifying head of a drug cartel, but she was more concerned about switching between two completely different accents, Hampshire and Nottinghamshire: “I remember it getting so difficult because it all sort of mixes up in your brain.”

Dolan was born in Middlesborough to Irish Catholic parents – an “academic” family who instilled a strong work ethic in her. “It definitely was anything but a showbiz upbringing,” she says. “My dad had been a chemical engineer and my mum was a biochemist, and my three siblings were all very clever – my sister had a Maths award named after her. But because I was the youngest child, I felt like I didn’t have to compete with them. I tried acting through my comprehensive school, and thought, ‘Oh, this is something I can do’.”

Dolan has a rare ability to switch between deeply serious roles and comedic ones – like Alan Partridge’s saucy love interest Angela in Alpha Papa, or Welsh communications officer Tracey Pritchard in W1A. She thinks that comes from her early training in youth theatre group Act One, which was “very much about improvisation”.

LONDON, ENGLAND - AUGUST 06: Monica Dolan attends the press night performance of "When It Happens To You" at The Park Theatre on August 6, 2024 in London, England. (Photo by Alan Chapman/Dave Benett/Getty Images)
Dolan is skilled at switching between deeply serious roles and comedic ones (Photo: Alan Chapman/Dave Benett/Getty Images)

Even now, she says that “strangely quite a lot of my friends are comedians”. They even nearly convinced her into doing a solo standup show at the 2017 Edinburgh Fringe, but her serious side won out. “I ended up doing B*easts, a solo show that had some gallows humour but wasn’t a bundle of laughs,” she says – modestly, given that it won a Stage award for its intense exploration of the sexualisation of children.

Still, after the intensity of Mass, Dolan will be giving her funny side full vent in the second series of BBC queer comedy Smoggie Queens, and she comes alive when I ask about it. “It’s all about a group of friends. And what else do you have, really?” she says, explaining its appeal. “Everyone enjoys each other and is accepting of each other. I saw the first season and I’m pals with [co star] Mark Benton, so I texted him and said, ‘If there’s anything I can do in it I would love to’, and I ended up joining the cast!”

Smoggie Queens will give Dolan a chance to let her hair down – and finally escape the dowdy get-ups her characters often wear. “The makeup people and the hair people are phenomenal,” she says, but she doesn’t want to let on exactly what guise we’ll catch her in this time.

“You’ll have to wait and see.”

‘Mass’ is at the Donmar Warehouse, London, to 6 June

My day at the £23,000-a-term boarding school where King Charles and Andrew studied

As we drive up the tree-lined path to Gordonstoun boarding school in the Scottish Highlands, I’m feeling nervous. It’s a morning in early May and the sun is beating down on the bright green grass which stretches as far as the eye can see across the school campus. Two huge swans glide along on the glittering ornamental lake, and in front of me is a colossal, stone mansion.

Although all of this looks like a scene from a genteel period drama, this academically non-selective school in the coastal region of Moray, between Aberdeenshire and Inverness, has a reputation for gruelling endurance tests. The children do 12-hour relay runs in the pitch black through muddy woodlands, and 24-hour mountain bike races in the middle of winter. I’m imagining there’s lots of discipline and rigidity, and plenty of cold showers. That sort of thing has always been my idea of hell, and Gordonstoun has a reputation for toughening up its pupils. I’m spending two days here – so are they going to try and toughen me up too?

“You’ll be pretty tired by the end,” I’m told by a staff member. “The kids here are kept very busy, and you will be too. An average school day ends at 5.30pm.” First thing in the morning – 8.30am – is hymn practice in the chapel, which takes place in a surprisingly modern brutalist building designed by a former pupil to look like an open book, but also a boat.

Sailing and seamanship is a compulsory part of life here, and Gordonstoun has its own 80-foot yacht called the Ocean Spirit of Moray, on which the pupils go on week-long voyages through dolphin-filled Scottish waters, and up to see polar bears in The Arctic. “A lot of the kids don’t realise how lucky they are at 15 years old,” a staff member says. “People would pay thousands for these experiences.” And, well, the parents do pay thousands. If you’re a boarder, the fees are between £21,365 and £23,000 per term, costing around £57k annually.

Prince Charles (later Charles III) arriving for his first term at Gordonstoun public school in Moray, Scotland, May 1st 1962. He is accompanied on a tour of the school by his father, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh (left, 1921 - 2021), and Captain Iain Tennant of the school's board of governors. (Daily Express/Hulton Archive/Getty Images)
King Charles III, then Prince Charles, arriving for his first term at Gordonstoun School in 1962, with his father, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh (Photo: Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

Children try everything, and learn how to fail

Looking around at the pupils with their hymn books, I’m struck by how dressed-down they are. Instead of the bow ties and boaters I imagined children at an expensive boarding school might wear, it’s all jumpers, trousers, or sports gear. The emphasis, a teacher tells me, is on practicality, on being ready for the outdoors.

Stephen Kirkwood, the head of classics who is leading hymn practice, is, however, not dressed down. I suspect he might have worn this yellow bow tie, black gown, and white fedora every day for the last three decades he’s been at Gordonstoun. The singing starts quietly, but as soon as Kirkwood challenges pupils to compete to be the loudest, the chapel is filled with teenage voices booming All Things Bright and Beautiful at the top of their lungs.

A few teenage boys volunteer to bang a drum in time to the hymns (nobody would have been seen dead doing that at my school) and there’s a playful, have-a-go feel to it all. “Everyone has to do rugby, dance, choir…we don’t give them a choice, so you get huge rugby lads doing a dance performance, and there’s no sense that it’s weird or uncool.”

Being taught how to fail is also an important part of the school’s ethos, as established by its founder, Kurt Hahn, who fled his home country of Germany to escape the Holocaust. He believed pupils should go beyond the classroom, and challenge themselves in the outdoors.

As chapel ends, Mr Kirkwood announces that at breaktime, pupils can meet him under the blossom trees to sing madrigals (a Renaissance vocal style of singing acapella) in honour of May Day. Surely, I think, no child or teenager is going to show up to that in their free time, especially now that it’s started raining. Yet, right on time, 12 or so pupils, soon joined by a smattering of staff – including the head teacher – gather under the cherry blossom to sing a medieval song about summer, in Middle-English dialect.

Classics teacher Stephen Kirkwood who lead the choir singing under the blossom trees at Gordonstoun school for May Day celebrations...pic Peter Jolly
Classics teacher Stephen Kirkwood leads a madrigals singing session under the blossom trees for May Day (Photo: Peter Jolly Northpix)

‘Naughty’ Prince Philip was head boy

Some of these children will later this week go off on a five-day wild camping expedition, while another tells me she will be continuing her firefighting training at the school’s own fire station. She is only 17, but might, at any time, be called out to assist with a real fire in the Highlands. “It’s really exciting,” she says, “because I can be paged even if it’s during my maths lesson, or at 3am while I’m meant to be asleep in my dorm!”

It’s this broad, adventurous school life that Prince Philip enjoyed so much during his time at Gordonstoun. He was only the tenth pupil the school had ever had, starting in 1934 at the age of 13 and boarding full-time for five years. He was ‘guardian’ (the Gordonstoun term for head boy), captain of the hockey and cricket teams, a keen sailor and member of the ‘Watchers’, which was a precursor to the school’s coastguard service. His school report called him “naughty but never nasty”, and photos in the school archive show him down at the harbour, smiling as he repairs one of the school canoes. Several teachers tell me that the man who would be the Queen’s husband, was “the ultimate Gordonstonian”.

He found it so character building, he sent his son Charles there, who was the first Prince of Wales to be educated at school rather than by private tutors. Philip also sent Prince Edward there (Edward had, in fact, just visited his old school day before I arrived) and Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, who boarded from the age of 13.

Prince Philip at Gordonstoun with Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, then 13
Prince Philip at Gordonstoun with his son, Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, then 13 (Photo: PA)

Philip’s daughter, Princess Anne, wasn’t eligible to go to the same school as her brothers, as the institution was all boys until 1972, but she sent her son Peter Philips and daughter Zara Tindall there. I am shown King Charles’ old room, which is now inhabited by the head girl, or ‘guardian’. There is a little sofa, with colourful cushions, and a kettle – head-girl privileges – alongside Charles’ old dressing table, and his desk, over which pupils have since doodled drawings and messages to their friends.

If Philip found fun and stability at Gordonstoun, his son Charles had a more complex time there. In a letter home, he wrote: “It’s such hell here especially at night. I don’t get any sleep practically at all nowadays … The people in my dormitory are foul. Goodness they are horrid, I don’t know how anyone could be so foul…”

Charles has since played down his reported dislike of his school years. During a House of Lords speech in 1975, he said: “I am always astonished by the amount of rot talked about Gordonstoun… it was only tough in the sense that it demanded more of you as an individual than most other schools did – mentally or physically.” He also told The Observer; “I didn’t enjoy school as much as I might have, but that was only because I’m happier at home than anywhere else.”

The room at Gordonstoun school that was lived in by King Charles when he was at the school in the 1960's, it still has the same desk and drawers that he used....pic Peter Jolly...pic taken in 2023
The room that was lived in by King Charles when he was at the school in the 1960s. It still has the same desk and drawers that he used (Photo: Peter Jolly/ Northpix)

‘Some parents are very involved – but there are some we’ve never met’

The head of the prep (junior) school, Cath Lyal, is originally from Glasgow, but she moved up to Moray with her husband Andrew, who was a house master at Gordonstoun, as well as a former pupil. Cath – whose older child attended the school, and whose younger child is in her final year here – is in charge of the welfare and daily lives of the youngest pupils at the school.

She must see a lot of homesickness, I say. “We would expect them to feel a little bit homesick, at first,” she says, “but we keep them busy, and at nighttime, which is usually when it happens, we are there for hot chocolate and a chat. We want them to understand that homesickness is ok, it won’t last forever.” Looking after the children is a seven-day-a-week, 24/7 operation. Cath’s own house and garden adjoins the boarding house. “It’s definitely a way of life, it’s not somewhere you’d come if you want to clock on and off in a normal way. I do have times when I’m not on duty, though.

“Actually,” she corrects herself, “I don’t like the term ‘on duty’ because I think that it makes the children think that it’s a job. And for many of them this is their home. I have a different relationship with these children than another staff member at another school would – they’ll give me a hug when they see me. But there’s still that politeness and respect.”

A little girl – no more than nine – walks over to us and asks Cath whether she’s allowed to go and get the tortoise from his enclosure. “Yes, sweetheart, get him and put him down on the ground,” she replies, “and then wash your hands.” The girl nods, grins, and skips off. “There was a child,” Cath says, “who we found in her dorm one night with snails down her arm, chatting away to them for comfort when she was homesick. I had to be a killjoy, and take them away.” She adds, with a laugh, “so what did I do? I went and got them a tortoise instead”.

Gordonstoun school....pic Peter Jolly
Gordonstoun school was founded in 1934. Today, annual boarding fees are around £57,480. Around a third of pupils receive means-tested financial assistance with fees (Photo: Peter Jolly/ Northpix)

I go to look inside the dorms. Each one has three or four children living in it, with each of their names on the door. Down one end of the house are the girls, down the other end, the boys. Inside one of the boys’ dorms are three newly built, pale-blue single beds, two with football-themed duvet covers, and one covered in stars and rockets. Rugby boots, and water bottles are scattered under posters of cartoon characters blue-tacked to the wall.

In the corridor, a teacher – known to the children as ‘matron’ – is organising bags of clean washing, which the children are expected to put away. There is a whiteboard with notices, and reminders on it, including a list of names of children who need to tidy their rooms. “Some of our parents are very involved in their children’s lives,” says Cath, “so they’ll come to drop them off, they’ll come and visit, they’ll be on the phone. But we have other parents who I’ve never met, because they just send their children over… and they’re not around.”

‘A nine-year-old arrived by helicopter, head to toe in Burberry’

Children of great privilege have attended, such as David Bowie’s son Duncan Jones (he was miserable there, and expelled), Sean Connery’s son Jason, as well as all sorts of barons and dukes. One student in year 13 from the Cotswolds tells me she came here because her two older brothers and dads are OGs (Old Gordonstonians). “It’s just normal in our family,” she says.

There are children from over 40 different countries, including Dubai, China, Russia, and Germany. But each boarding house limits the number of children from the same country in one form, to avoid cultural silos. A Scottish pupil in her last year of school gives me a tour. “I live locally, at home with my family,” she says, “but I often don’t leave school until 9 or 10 at night because I stay and hang out here with my friends.”

Cath, head of the prep school, says that the focus on self-suffiency can be a shock to the system. One of her pupils arrived here at the age of nine via private helicopter. “She was dressed head to toe in Burberry,” says Cath. “Her form tutor was helping her unpack her cases, suggesting she organise this drawer for sports clothes, this one for shirts, this one for jumpers…and the child said, ‘no, I think I’ll organise them by designer instead’. To be fair, she doesn’t do that now. We’re not that kind of place.” The school is now more expensive than it was, due to the government’s introduction of 20 per cent VAT on private schools. “That has made some parents more challenging,” she says, “in terms of what we offer and provide.”

Yet, of the just under 500 pupils currently at the school, 34 per cent have a means-tested financial assistance to attend the school, with most grants between 10 and 25 per cent of the fees. A minority of families have 100 per cent of fees, plus travel expenses, funded by the school. Military families – the school is next to an RAF base – receive financial assistance, too. Financial assistance has remained steady since the imposition of VAT.

“Here, nobody talks about money,” says the director of admissions Chris Rose, who used to be COO at Midlands rugby club The Leicester Tigers. “There’s no sense of being better than other people because of your background,” he says. “When you’re out sailing, or fighting a fire, nobody knows or cares whether you’re the son of the Monaco royal family or a kid on a bursary from Northumberland.”

This is a topic close to the heart of the head, Simon Cane-Hardy, who started at Gordonstoun in 2023, after leaving his post as deputy head of Prior Park College, a boarding school in Bath. In his early 40s, he is athletic (has coached rugby, loves cricket), friendly and approachable. “Simon makes the girls blush,” one admin staff member chuckles to me earlier in the day.

‘Private education should be accessible to working families, not just the wealthy’

He moved here with his wife Helen and three children, all of whom attend the Gordonstoun prep school, and the whole family lives on site in an old, beautiful country house. “It’s a really tough time for the [independent school] sector,” says Cane-Hardy. “It’s [VAT] put a huge burden on schools and therefore, onto parents. I know that, like lots of other schools, we worry about remaining accessible to as many people as possible.

Head teacher Simon Cane-Hardy, and the school’s own fire station, where pupils are trained up (Photo: Peter Jolly/Northpix)

“I was a recipient of a scholarship and bursary that allowed me to go to an independent school for six form”, he says, “and I would not have gone to the university I went to and achieved the results I did, and met the people I did, and had the opportunities I’ve had in my life, without that experience. King Charles in his first year here shared a room with two local boys from a farm. And I think people outside our school appreciate that level of diversity we have. I would also say, though, that I don’t want Gordonstoun just to be for the very wealthy or students on transformational bursaries. How can we ensure that independent education is accessible to that group in the middle, those professional families with both parents working?”

As the head of a boarding school that educated three generations of the royal family, what are some of the misconceptions Cane-Hardy believes people have about Gordonstoun? “They watch The Crown, and they think it’s going to be brutal here,” he says. “It’s nothing like that. This is a really modern school. It’s a happy community. When things go wrong, we’ll deal with it really well. That’s not to say that things haven’t gone wrong in the past, but today the pastoral care is of an extremely high quality.”

The “mistakes” Cane-Hardy is referring to are findings of historic child abuse. In 2024, the Scottish Child Abuse Inquiry (SCIA) ruled that child abuse at Gordonstoun School was allowed to flourish unchecked for decades. Lady Smith, chairwoman of the SCAI, concluded that children who boarded at both establishments were exposed to risks of sexual, physical, and emotional abuse – and that for many those risks materialised. In 2018, former Gordonstoun teacher Andrew Keir was jailed for lewd acts involving pupils at swimming sessions between 1988 and 1991, and Smith said six other teachers sexually abused children between the 1960s and 1990s.

When the findings were published, the principal of the school at the time, Lisa Kerr, said: “It’s been devastating to see the impact of the abuse at Gordonstoun has had on them. I’m deeply sorry and apologise unreservedly for the fact they were failed by Gordonstoun and those charged with their care.”

How does a school move on from something so damning? Cane-Hardy, who joined after the inquiry, says the school was “quite right” to apologise. “There are things that as the head of the school today, you look back on and think, ‘gosh’, and we’ve talked to our pupils about it. You acknowledge that was wrong, you don’t make excuses for it, but fundamentally, you make sure that your students today are supported, happy and achieving their potential.”

Gordonstoun pupils aat bagpipe practice outside of Chapel....pic Peter Jolly
Gordonstoun pupils at bagpipe practice outside of Chapel. (Photo: Peter Jolly/Northpix)

Outside Cane-Hardy’s office, there is a flurry of excitement. A huge walrus has been spotted sunning itself on a boat at the nearby harbour, and the year eights are out there now, on the canoes. “I’ve got a risk assessment about what to do if we see a killer whale on the water,” jokes Cath, head of the prep school, “but now I’ve got to update it and include walruses!” On the grass, near one of the two golf courses on campus, the sound of bagpipes starts up, as the school band begins their rehearsal.

As my two days at Gordonstoun comes to an end, I am given a bag of branded merchandise by the head of marketing Caroline Overton. A small, squishy boat with the school’s logo on the side for my toddler, a water bottle, a notepad, a key ring. There are big moves to roll out the Gordonstoun brand internationally, with branches of the school opening in Abu Dhabi in 2026, and in Wakayama, Japan in 2027. It is a business move that lots of big-name British boarding schools, such as Harrow, are also making.

I wonder whether these new branches – thousands of miles away from The Highlands – will achieve the otherworldliness that I have felt at Gordonstoun. Will those boarders also have their mobile phones locked away all day, so they can focus on sailing, shooting, and singing madrigals under the cherry tree? Will there be this old-fashioned boarding school life – matrons and Sunday chapel service – mixed in with a progressive approach to learning beyond the classroom? Will all the teachers live on site and send their own children there, buying into the Gordonstoun ethos with such fervour that it feels almost religious?

As we drive away from the school towards Inverness airport, past the blindingly bright yellow rapeseed crops and whisky distilleries dotted around the Moray landscape, I remember an anecdote the former head teacher – now school archivist – Richard Devey told me earlier that day. “There was a pupil who was found brewing his own beer,” says Devey. “And he was rusticated [suspended]. But as he was driving away from the school, there was a big crash in front of him, and he leapt out of the car. And because of his work with the school fire service, he was able to direct everyone in terms of what to do, and how to help the injured. He was still rusticated, because he’d broken the rules – but he was also given an award.” As he shows me an archive photo of Prince Philip doing the high jump in 1934, he adds; “There’s just something about Gordonstoun pupils – even the weakest. You meet one, and you just know they’ve been educated here.”

I’m too sick to work after four years of long Covid

Lying in bed for 38 hours, absolutely exhausted after overdoing things, Chris Black knew something had to change.

The 37-year-old has struggled so much since being struck with long Covid that he has had to step away from two roles in the legal sector, as he says he was not able to sustain full-time work alongside his health condition.

He told The i Paper that he was rejected for PIP (personal independence payment) and believes there is a lack of meaningful support from the Government for people with fluctuating chronic conditions, such as long Covid.

He initially applied for PIP, rather than other benefits, as he wished to continue working part-time and wanted to use the payment to supplement his working income, but says the design of the benefit means he was considered ineligible.

“I am too sick to work, but not sick enough for support,” he said. “The current benefits system, with things like PIP, seems to have no place for those who can’t work full-time. But this is not good for anyone, including the economy. If someone is working three days a week, they will still be contributing taxes.“

“While PIP recognises long-term conditions, it doesn’t take into account whether you are able to sustain full-time work, and it struggles to account for fluctuating conditions. If you force people to work too much when they have an illness, it makes them sicker and they are sicker for longer as they don’t have the time and space to recover.”

Chris, who was living in London for eight years, first became ill with Covid in June 2022. He recalled it felt like a normal cold at first, but he also developed an irritating skin rash.

“I recovered after a couple of weeks and went back to the gym. However, I noticed things weren’t normal after I finished exercising. I would get severe post-exertional malaise, get sick and exhausted. That is when I realised it was long Covid.”

Chris’s condition deteriorated until exercise became impossible and cognitive tasks and focusing for too long became a lot more difficult, affecting his ability to work.

Chris Black, 37, says the financial burden of living with long Covid is huge - but he says the benefits system does not recognise those who only have partial capacity for work. He says he is too sick too work, but not deemed sick enough for benefits.
Chris says that he is too sick to work, but not deemed sick enough for benefits (Photo: Chris Black)

While Chris was eventually admitted to an NHS long Covid clinic in August 2023 after a long wait, he says the support consisted of periodic check-ins and symptom tracking, with limited treatment options.

Chris applied for PIP in November 2024. The payment is supposed to help people with extra living costs if they have a long-term physical or mental health condition or disability and difficulty doing certain everyday tasks or getting around because of that condition.

As his symptoms worsened, in desperation, Chris turned to private healthcare, which led to substantial financial costs.

Between March and December 2025 alone, his consultations and tests totalled over £13,000 through his medical insurance, alongside more than £8,000 of his own money.

Chris Black, 37, says the financial burden of living with long Covid is huge - but he says the benefits system does not recognise those who only have partial capacity for work. He says he is too sick too work, but not deemed sick enough for benefits.
Chris on holiday in Mexico before his illness (Photo: Chris Black)

Chris became ill with Covid again in September 2025, and his long-term condition went significantly downhill with more brain fog, nausea and low energy capacity.

“If I had received a regular payment such as PIP, it would have allowed me to reduce my working hours and rest more to support my recovery. But this benefit is not suited to conditions like long Covid,” he said.

In January this year, Chris stopped working because he could no longer sustain full-time employment. He could no longer afford his £1,400 a month rent in London, so he moved out, got rid of most of his stuff and took his remaining possessions to his parents’ home.

The exertion of moving in March this year led to such an extreme crash that Chris ended up spending 38 hours in bed.

Chris, who has long Covid with subtype ME/CFS, says he is lucky enough to have had savings, so he has used them to go to Thailand, where he is now living.

He is currently at a yoga retreat and while he cannot do many of the activities, he says he hopes “the calmness will wash over me.”

“While I have been very unfortunate that my quality of life has been significantly reduced, I am privileged to have enough money to take six months off work and try to return to a manageable and sustainable baseline.

“But if my health doesn’t improve soon, the outlook for the rest of my life looks very bleak. At my age, most of my friends are settling down, getting married and having children. For me, having this condition for around four years, and with two years of lockdown before that, it feels like my life has been on pause for six years – and I may never recover.

“I must remain hopeful that I can regain some of my health and, at some point, re-enter the workforce. If not, I will not be able to live in the UK as I will have no means of income and am not eligible for benefits.”

Chris Black, 37, says the financial burden of living with long Covid is huge - but he says the benefits system does not recognise those who only have partial capacity for work. He says he is too sick too work, but not deemed sick enough for benefits.
Chris is in Thailand and is hoping he can recuperate enough to regain his health (Photo: Chris Black)

Chris added: “If we had a more logical approach to chronic illness where people are allowed significant time off work to rest and recuperate with support from the Government and welfare system, then people could return to work faster.

“A system that recognises partial capacity for work would not only support people with chronic illness, but it would also allow many of us to remain economically active, rather than being pushed out of the workforce entirely.”

A Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) spokesperson said: “We are sorry to hear about this person’s situation. We know PIP can be improved, which is why we launched the Timms Review, working with disabled people and their organisations to ensure the benefit is fair and fit for the future.

“We also opened a Call for Evidence in March so people can share their views on how the benefit should be reformed.”

Moment of truth for Labour MPs – and impact on our lives

We have a PM who’s in office but refusing to wield the power he won, a leadership contender who definitely wants the job but won’t be first over the top, a rival who wants to run but isn’t an MP, and another who isn’t sure she wants it but may do, even though she faces a live HMRC investigation.

A reminder: today is still only Wednesday.

The past 24 hours do not show the governing party, or our country, in a flattering light.
One fact matters above all others. The UK’s long-term borrowing costs hit their highest level since 1998. That’s partly because of Trump’s war with Iran, and partly Labour turbulence.

There will be consequences for our cost of living – including mortgages and consumer prices – as well as for Britain’s public finances, where chancellors will find it harder to borrow money. Already, lenders don’t like our balance sheet.

The economic illiteracy of some backbenchers (from all parties) is mind-blowing. If you want to invest in the UK, you need to know who will be in charge and what they stand for. This basic level of information is a prerequisite.

Today brings showdown talks at No 10 between Health Secretary Wes Streeting and the Prime Minister, then a King’s Speech – supposed to be the moment when a Government reveals bold plans for meeting the challenges of its age. Let’s see.

Labour MPs need to make a decision – stick or twist – and commit to it wholeheartedly, with unity and discipline, or voters will do it for them.

X: @olyduff

Palace held talks with No 10 over ‘awkward’ King’s speech

Downing Street and Buckingham Palace have discussed how to prevent the leadership crisis currently engulfing Keir Starmer overshadowing the King’s Speech on Wednesday.

King Charles will travel in full pomp and circumstance for the official State Opening of Parliament on Wednesday morning before reading out the government’s legislative agenda for the year, in a centuries’ old tradition.

But a senior civil service source admitted that the crisis swirling around the PM has plunged the monarch’s role into “unchartered territory”. With the leadership still unresolved – casting a doubt over the legislative agenda to be read out – the ceremony “could be very awkward for the King”, the source said.

Shorts – Quick stories

The Government’s policies are expected to include closer ties with the EU, powers to nationalise of British Steel and an enhancement of the apprenticeship scheme for young people as well as special education needs reform, as outlined by the Prime Minister in his ‘make-or-break’ speech on Monday.

Full details will be released later tonight.

Leadership issues raised with the ‘Golden Triangle’

Fears that the King could be dragged into questions over the Prime Minister’s future have been fuelled in Whitehall over the timing of the King’s Speech on Wednesday, coming in the wake of several ministerial resignations and more than 100 MPs urging him to step down.

With Starmer refusing to heed calls from Cabinet critics to set a timetable for his departure, it is unlikely that the PM will resign before the traditional ceremony takes place.

The source said there had been discussions within the Cabinet Office about where the leadership crisis leaves the Government constitutionally.

And The i Paper understands it has been raised within the so-called “Golden Triangle” – the trio of senior aides to the King and Prime Minister which is the main vehicle for talks between the government and Palace.

The civil service source said: “There have been exchanges – on both sides – about the King’s Speech and where this leaves us constitutionally.

“This is unchartered territory and could be very awkward for the King given how quickly things seem to be moving. This is exactly the kind of thing the civil service [and the Golden Triangle] should be and would be preparing for.”

The Golden Triangle consists of the King’s private secretary, Cabinet Secretary Antonia Romeo and the PM’s principal private secretary.

The trio normally have regular discussions to keep channels open between Downing Street and the Palace.

Monarch needs to be protected

A separate Whitehall source said there had been discussions among officials to consider any procedural issues that could arise if the PM was forced to resign before the State Opening, but the view was because it was the government’s speech, not the Prime Minister’s, it would be able to proceed as planned.

Buckingham Palace declined to comment. A No 10 source said they were “not aware” that there had been discussions about the tone of the speech.

But Politico reported that the Palace privately asked whether the King should proceed as planned with the State Opening on Wednesday.

Citing people familiar with the matter, it said a senior aide to the monarch asked top government officials, including Romeo, whether the state occasion should go ahead.

The King’s team made clear in conversation with the PM’s officials of the importance of protecting the monarch from any impression he is being used for political ends, Politico reported.

However The i Paper understands that at no point did anyone ever suggest that the State Opening might not go ahead.

A constitutional insider said the Golden Triangle holds talks all the time and the issue of Starmer’s leadership is likely to have been raised to avoid any awkwardness for the King.

Speech written on vellum

The King’s Speech itself is still written on vellum – or goatskin – and has to be finalised the week before the State Opening to allow the ink to dry, meaning no changes could have been made to the speech itself since last week, before the local and devolved elections triggered a crisis for Starmer.

The insider said Palace officials will have pored over the original draft of the speech from No10 anyway, to ensure that the King does not have to say anything too slogan-heavy or political.

This means that the speech – which will set out the government’s legislative agenda – will already be fairly neutral in tone.

However the leadership row throws a question mark over that agenda and whether it will be torn up if a new prime minister is in place within weeks.

The constitutional insider said the Golden Triangle would be “keeping abreast of the leadership issue” but added that the “Palace will be very good at keeping the King clear of this”.

Emma Willis is the only host who can handle Strictly Come Dancing

Appointing the new hosts of Strictly Come Dancing is the most important decision for the BBC in years. Forget University Challenge, Desert Island Discs, the Today programme or the Radio 2 Breakfast Show – forget the licence fee and the director general. Replacing Tess Daly and Claudia Winkleman is make-or-break.

To reassure fans, to steady the ship, to have half a chance at growing its audience and to send a message about the BBC’s future and all that it values, they had to get it right. If the rumours are true and Emma Willis is about to be announced, we can all breathe a sigh of relief.

In the six months since Tess and Claud announced their departure, I haven’t had much faith the BBC would avoid a catastrophic mistake. All signs – including a lot of cleaning house with the professional dancers, including Karen Hauer and Gorka Marquez– have pointed to a major rebrand that might alienate longtime fans like me.

Given the scandals of the past few years, a Strictly shake-up is not before time. But there was a big risk they’d appoint some influencer with a big audience in a bid to attract the ever-enigmatic “youth” audience and make Strictly “cool” (and Strictly has never been cool). Or play it so safe, fearing more controversy, that they keep it in the family and hand it to someone from the Strictly extended universe of judges, pros, It Takes Two hosts and ex-stars, and make the new series an anticlimax.

Names have been circulating for months – Zoe Ball, Alex Jones, Rylan Clark, Angela Scanlon – but no fantasy candidate seems to tread that line between familiar and energising. Strictly fans are ready for change, but this is a show rooted in community, routine and comfort – it can easily go stale, but anything too radical will scare us off.

Enter Emma Willis, who The Sun reports is “one of the two women” set to front the programme and is the closest thing we could hope for to a perfect fit.

Willis is one of the biggest grafters in British broadcasting – but you’d never know it, because in the nearly 25 years she’s been on TV, she has never threatened to overshadow the programmes she’s in (even when her name’s in the title).

Let’s get the CV out of the way: Willis, from Sutton Coldfield in Birmingham, started off as a model before getting her first presenting gig on MTV in 2002. She cut her teeth on spin-offs like I’m a Celebrity… Get Me Out of Here! NOW! and Big Brother’s Little Brother, she’s paid her dues on daytime presenting This Morning and Loose Women, she’s been the face of reality formats like The Voice UK, The Circle and Love Is Blind and was Davina McCall’s successor on Big Brother when it moved to Channel 5.

If that sounds a bit, well, lowbrow, so was Tess before she got the Strictly gig – it takes time and trust to become a national treasure. And Willis has done serious documentaries too: she qualified as a maternity care assistant for Emma Willis: Delivering Babies, explored the impact of tech on teenagers in Swiped: The School That Banned Smartphones, and looked at the benefits of specialist therapy on Matt and Emma Willis: Change Your Mind, Change Your Life.

LONDON, ENGLAND - AUGUST 26: Matt Willis and Emma Willis attend the
Willis with her husband Matt (Photo: Hoda Davaine/Getty)

The point is, she’s more than qualified and she’s versatile: an old hand when it comes to live broadcasting, experienced when it comes to managing vulnerable celebrities, and as a 50-year-old mother of three she seems approachable, unfazed and relatable. She is glamorous – but not threateningly so. She’s got a warmth and a regional accent, and you can just as easily imagine her sitting at home watching Strictly as you can wearing ballgown hosting it.

What makes her special, though, and what Strictly needs, is her grit. Willis’s public persona is not of someone cosy, so over-cautious she’s scared to have opinions and who sees presenting as a game of keeping things palatable. She is steely and won’t take nonsense: she regularly won praise for holding celebrities to account for their objectionable behaviour and prejudices in the Big Brother house, interrogating actor Roxane Pallett and boxer Winston McKenzie with a rigour and unflappability more often seen on Newsnight than Channel 5.

She doesn’t mind getting sweary or speaking her mind, she’s been open about the struggles in her marriage – ex-Busted musician Matt suffers with addiction – and is comfortable being vulnerable and maternal without compromising her professionalism. She is a natural on Radio 2, on which she hosts the Saturday afternoon show, precisely because she is not always squeaky clean and has a confidence to be herself – like it or lump it.

I feared the BBC would choose someone bland like Rochelle Humes, or a bit square like Miranda Hart, so desperate are they to create a veneer of perfection around this show. But we know by now that the shiny, happy, slick Strictly operation has always been a bit of a veneer, and Willis is popular because she embraces imperfection.

She is also at the exact point in her career for Strictly still to matter. Appoint a massive star and they may not care enough about the job because they don’t need it. Appointing an unknown talent when the stakes are this high is a gamble. Willis is a rare person at the perfect juncture: she’s earned it, she’s “establishment” enough, but Strictly will still be her biggest stage yet and introduce her to an older, dare I say posher, audience who haven’t yet watched her on reality TV. Strictly might look like every presenter’s dream job, but, given the enormous sacrifices involved and the toll this production can take on one’s life and family, as well as the pressure to preserve its reputation, it isn’t mutually beneficial for everyone.

The BBC has yet to confirm Willis – or to announce who her partner in the “Clauditorium” will be. Favourite and friend of Strictly Zoe Ball has said on her podcast Dig It that it will not be her: that she went through “seven stages of grief and rejection” but that if the hosts are who she thinks they are, “we’re in safe hands”. I am confident that fresh-start Willis will be exactly that – but when it comes to rehabilitating Strictly’s reputation, she’s got a job on hers.

Inside the deep Labour split as Starmer hangs on by his fingernails

“Oi, Wes Streeting. Come and ‘ave a go if you think you’re ‘ard enough,” knight of the realm Sir Keir Starmer definitely did not say at the start of his high-stakes Cabinet meeting.

The Prime Minister’s style is less Peggy Mitchell ordering a drunk out of her pub, more technocratic barrister. But the meaning was the same. Starmer has suspected Streeting has been plotting against him for months. The Health Secretary insists he has been clear with the Prime Minister he is ready for a leadership contest should one take place. But he has also been adamant that he would not be the prime mover to trigger one, perhaps fearing it would spike his leadership chances.

Against the backdrop of calls to quit Starmer took refuge in the Labour Party rulebook, which dictates 81 Labour MPs have to back a specific replacement to trigger a contest. He was exploiting the divisions in the party to cling on, daring Streeting to challenge him or resign. Unlike the Conservatives, there is no mechanism for triggering a no-confidence vote; instead a challenger must go public and collect the requisite signatures. “The Labour Party has a process for challenging a leader and that has not been triggered,” Starmer told his colleagues.

There is no consensus about getting rid of Starmer for fear of who comes next. Some Labour MPs want to slow down a leadership contest because they support Andy Burnham and need to buy him time to return to Parliament. Others want the Prime Minister out now because they back Streeting and think a protracted contest will see his support slip away.

However long Starmer clings on by his fingernails in No 10, Labour is now divided along two sharp lines: Streeting or Burnham. Right or left. Fast or slow contest.

Cabinet ministers are now defining themselves for the future direction of the party by letting it be known Starmer should instruct Labour’s ruling National Executive Committee to let Burnham stand before his term as Mayor of Greater Manchester is up. Energy Secretary Ed Miliband, Deputy Labour Leader Lucy Powell and Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy all fall into that camp.

Starmer read out a statement at Cabinet saying he was digging in, and said he would speak to individuals afterwards. At the meeting Streeting joined in the discussion about Iran. Afterwards Starmer refused to see him and other ministers who wanted a word. Not a Mexican stand-off, but a very British passive-aggressive one. Later, a planned meeting between Starmer and union leaders was also cancelled. Perhaps he didn’t want to hear what they had to say.

Outside in Downing Street reporters sneezed as the plane trees shed a barrage of pollen. In the distance there was a wall of noise as protesters shouted on Whitehall. Starmer’s supporters put up a brave front. After Cabinet four senior loyalists – Pat McFadden, Liz Kendall, Steve Reed and Peter Kyle – all took the unusual step of talking to reporters in Downing Street on their way out. Streeting stalked out without a word. Shabana Mahmood, who last night told Starmer to set a timetable, exited via the back door.

In the background backbenchers started collecting names of supporters who don’t want a contest. But even as the loyalists rallied, the steady ticker of statements urging Starmer to go rose higher. And then the ministerial resignations started. There are probably enough keen beans to fill these posts, but it was not a great look by any stretch.

By late afternoon both sides were pretty evenly matched: 100 or so saying Starmer should go, 100 or so saying he should stay. However, it appeared unsustainable. “You can’t run a government unless you have the wide support of your party,” as one rebel Labour MP pointed out.

Starmer appears to genuinely believe staying in post is the best thing for the country amid sticky inflation and a foreign war driving up oil prices. You only have to look at the what the bond market did early this morning to see he may have a point, as the cost of government borrowing hit its highest level in nearly three decades amid the crisis engulfing the Prime Minister. It only dipped again after Starmer’s statement to Cabinet stressing he’s clinging on.

Traders correctly worry a new Labour leader would be more left-leaning than Starmer and loosen the fiscal rules. They’re not wrong to be concerned. Only this morning, with extraordinary timing, a caucus of more than 100 lawmakers from the soft-left Tribune Group called for a “new economic framework” with less “caution” on fiscal policy.

Burnham was seen arriving at Euston station from Manchester as Cabinet broke up, sparking a Westminster manhunt to smoke out his intentions. The Mayor has so far stayed silent since the local election results plunged Starmer’s leadership into crisis. As confidence ebbs away from former deputy prime minister, Angela Rayner, Burnham’s star is in the left-wing ascendancy.

But there are Cabinet ministers who warned Burnham is not the prince-over-the-water his supporters would have you believe. The bond markets will still be there even if he does make his triumphal return to Westminster and is crowned the next Labour leader.

“I don’t see an easier, straightforward route back for Andy Burnham, or that Andy Burnham alone is going to solve all of our problems. No one person is going to solve the big political malaise and the huge challenges the country is facing and the threat of Reform,” a Cabinet minister told The i Paper.

It’s coming up to decision time. Those with longer memories pointed out Labour’s history is littered with the bodies of those who floundered and missed their moment. Roy Jenkins didn’t challenge Harold Wilson and David Miliband didn’t challenge Gordon Brown.

After Cabinet, Streeting left Downing Street as grim faced as he’d come in. He had a serious decision to make: to challenge Starmer or not. His allies were urging him to make a statement, to resign, to call Starmer’s bluff in return. To kick Peggy Mitchell out of her own pub.

Britain is facing its Joe Biden moment

In 2024 the Democrats in the US delayed too long replacing an incapable and unpopular president Joe Biden as their presidential candidate, until the disastrous TV debate with Donald Trump when Biden lapsed into incoherence.

They replaced him with the not notably capable or popular vice president Kamala Harris, who was too closely associated with the Biden administration’s mistakes to distance herself from them. Trump was the beneficiary of these avoidable errors, with calamitous results for America and the world.

The Labour Party has pursued a similarly self-destructive course in seeking to remove Sir Keir Starmer as Prime Minister long after his chronic failings as a politician and party leader were visible to all. Labour’s disastrous defeat in the 7 May local elections ought to be the equivalent of Biden’s TV debacle two years earlier. Yet, as in the case of the former American president – but without the excuse of deteriorated mental health – Starmer was at the time of writing still stubbornly in denial about the necessity for his departure.

A Labour Party with greater skills in defenestrating failed leaders would have got rid of Starmer last year. Bizarrely, it was telegraphed ahead for months that the rival panjandrums of the party would wait until horrendous defeat in the local elections before seeking to evict Starmer, which is like an army command saying that it will wait to remove a general of proven incapacity until he had lost one more battle. And lose it Starmer most certainly did, producing for Labour representatives what was less of an electoral setback and more of a mass extinction event.

Like Biden in 2024, Starmer at the time of writing is in denial about his responsibility for this historic defeat, arguing that his departure would produce paralysis or chaos, as if his continuation in office would not do the same. But can any successor escape the Starmer legacy of a directionless government that could never make up its mind what it wanted to do and how to do it? Yet such political resurrections are not impossible: witness John Swinney, the Scottish Nationalist Party leader, who has bounced back from the turmoil of Nicola Sturgeon’s last scandal-hit years in office and heavy losses in the 2024 general election.

Can Labour rescue itself, or might we soon be watching a British re-run of Kamala Harris syndrome, whereby a new leader is so tainted by association with a discredited predecessor that they can never establish a credible political identity of their own? This prompts another important question: supposing Starmer goes, does this mean the end of the Blue Labour project, which purged the left and moved to the right, but failed to prevent working-class voters defecting to Reform and precipitated a huge exodus of progressive voters to the Greens?

The latter’s national vote share jumped to 18 per cent, ahead of Labour on 17 per cent with Lib Dems just behind on 16 per cent. According to a study by the London School of Economics, “a co-ordinated or unified left could have halved the number of Reform gains”.

The figures make clear that any future Labour prime minister, one who seriously intends to stop a Reform victory at the next election, will have to put together a popular front of left or progressive voters. Starmer and his closest acolytes are the last people to do this, coming as they mostly do from the right of the Labour Party, viscerally hostile to the left and eschewing radical change. Even when fighting for his political life in his speech on Monday, Starmer proposed nothing very new. Nationalising the remnant of the British steel industry in Scunthorpe was never going to do the job.

What might a new prime minister do that could really shift the political dial in a short space of time? It would have to be something striking and vastly popular such as bringing Thames Water and South East Water under public administration. But the present Cabinet looks far too timid and conservative to undertake measures that might compete with Reform’s pipe dreams.

Labour ministers and MPs lament that they have done many good things, but these will take time to bear politically attractive fruit. A quicker way for a party to establish its political identity in the eyes of voters is to make the right enemies at home and abroad. During the local and devolved elections last week, the only good thing said about Starmer by voters in interviews was that he had kept Britain out of the US and Israeli attack on Iran.

But Starmer – with his genius for getting the worst of all possible worlds – equivocated, allowing US bombers to use bases in the UK for “defensive” purposes. Suppose for a moment that Starmer had picked a fight with Trump, who evidently only respects those who stand up to him. Might this have reversed Labour’s fortunes?

It is easy to pillory Starmer as a serial blunderer, but the fact that he is the sixth British prime minister in 10 years proves that no leader or party can satisfy voters who believe the country is stagnant or in decline. They are right that Britain suffers from serious political, social and economic failings, but only in politics is it in a condition of semi-permanent crisis.

Lamentations about “Broken Britain” are over-stated – often grossly so – when it comes to the NHS, transport, energy, utilities and Armed Forces. At the same time, the UK is a patchwork of relatively prosperous and left-behind areas and communities. Political instability further erodes national self-confidence and opens the door to any charlatan scapegoating immigrants and selling Messianic dreams of renewal.

Starmer and Labour stood a good chance after they won the general election in 2024 of closing the door to a British version of Trumpism, but they were baffled by an increasingly dangerous and unstable world. Starmer may go, but he will go too late.

Stockport County’s new dawn

Leaving a legacy to be proud of is ultimately the true essence of life, and fundamental to turning career achievements into memories that stand the test of time is knowing when you have done all you can.

Sport is littered with stories of players or coaches who carried on too long, doing more harm than good to all they had accomplished previously. Muhammad Ali just could not walk away, Michael Jordan at the Washington Wizards didn’t sit right, while the final Arsene Wenger Arsenal years became a painful experience.

Stockport County director of football and chef executive Simon Wilson, who is one step away from overseeing a remarkable rise from non-league football to the Championship, is aware that the time is right to step aside.

Wilson will leave after Stockport hope to have succeeded in the League One play-offs, six years into an outrageously ambitious seven-year plan to get County – a team initially without a training ground and with part-time players competing in regional football – to the English second tier. All in a sustainable way.

“This never happens does it, really?” Wilson tells The i Paper. “To be able to leave on good terms like this. That’s the most important thing.

“Everything is there for the club to carry on growing, sustainably, from the practices we have put in place.”

BOLTON, ENGLAND - APRIL 06: Simon Wilson, chief executive officer of Stockport County, during the Sky Bet League One match between Bolton Wanderers and Stockport County FC at University of Bolton Stadium on April 06, 2026 in Bolton, England. (Photo by James Gill - Danehouse/Getty Images)
Simon Wilson is hoping for a Disney ending with Stockport (Photo: Getty)

When Wilson joined Stockport in 2020, it seemed like an odd career move. After 10 years in various roles at the now global footballing behemoth Manchester City, he became chief football officer at Sunderland to work with David Moyes.

Taking charge of a historically chaotic fifth-tier club under new ownership was certainly a gamble. One, however, that has paid off in ways Wilson could never have imagined.

“The fifth tier was never on my radar,” Wilson says. “But meeting Mark [Stott, owner] and this journey at County is the best thing I’ve ever done,” he continues.

“I loved my time at City. The first period was when the Abu Dhabi takeover happened, and that was really exciting. Then the second half, moving to a role in the City Football Group, taking City to the world, that was also exciting. But you are just one of many at somewhere as slick as City.

“This is more real. When you are on open-top buses and there are grandmas with their grandchildren in Stockport shirts you see how much this matters, what we do here. Hopefully we get one more celebration, but if we don’t we have everything in place to carry on.”

Stockport club president Steve Bellis holds court like no other. One of the tales he loves to recount is the story of just how far the club fell.

Tales like how this once second-tier staple had matches delayed because smoke from a local allotment on an away match had drifted onto the pitch. Or how Stockport’s first team were kicked off the training pitch they shared with a local Under-11s side.

Stockport, the town, is massively on the up. Dubbed the “new Berlin” for its quirky vibe and burgeoning food scene, Stockport is amid a £56m development project to revamp its central area, the largest-ever town regeneration project of its kind.

STOCKPORT, ENGLAND - APRIL 03: Isaac 'Tanto' Olaofe of Stockport County celebrates with teammate Odin Bailey after scoring their side's second goal during the Sky Bet League One match between Stockport County FC and Wycombe Wanderers at Edgeley Park on April 03, 2026 in Stockport, England. (Photo by James Gill - Danehouse/Getty Images)
Stockport are two games away from the second tier (Photo: Getty)

The team’s rise has mirrored the town’s growth. Only, on the football side, they have done it without splashing record amounts, the anti-Wrexham way.

Owner Mark Stott is a local businessman, one who cares about the community impact Stockport’s football club has on its town – a sadly all-too-rare personality in the modern era.

What Stott needed was someone who could oversee promotion after promotion, while building a club to be proud of.

“Mark said to me ‘I want to get this team to the Championship, how much will it take to get there?’,” Wilson adds. “I then gave a figure, based on football spend and said, ‘with a bit of luck we will get there’. The football spend is not much over that initial planned figure, and we could end up ahead of schedule on timescale.

“We always wanted to put something in place where if we didn’t win, it could all carry on. We have an academy that is doing really, really well. We have a community programme in place where every £1 spent means £6 in social value. We have restored local pride. Kids have Stockport shirts on, not [Manchester] City and United. It has just been so worthwhile.

“Wrexham has become that, but certainly initially it wasn’t. They obviously smashed the revenue streams for League One, but still lost £17m, whereas we lost £9m and finished a place below them. £9m is still a lot of money, but we are giving a lot of wider benefits to the community for the money. It is all about creating an environment where people can grow – that is what I am most proud of.”

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Stockport have already announced Damien Allen as Wilson’s successor in the director of football role, someone Stott identified and Wilson helped nurture from being a PE teacher to academy director, in the hope that the most solid of foundations laid by the outgoing chief won’t go to waste.

As for Wilson himself, he will consider his next role carefully. For now, after Stockport hopefully see his ambitious plans come to fruition one year early over the next week, it is time to reflect on all he has achieved. Something he, more than most, has earned the right to do.

“I am a fixer-upper,” Wilson adds. “I like growth opportunities. There aren’t many football clubs who are genuinely in a position to do that.

“For now, I am enjoying my final moments here, doing all the things I like – watching training, being around the team. Get this season done and support the transition.

“We are desperate to get to Wembley, that’s the Disney ending. Either way, I am lucky that I have this story to tell of what we have achieved here, and people I can call friends for the rest of my life.”

I’ve been part of a crumbling government

“Bunker mentality” is a cliché, but no other phrase quite captures the paranoia, suspicion and fear which clings around a prime minister who is on their way out. There is widespread uncertainty, delusion and panic.

Today, Starmer and his crew are in this mindset. There is always a crew, people who are known only to specialists and insiders, whose names are largely obscure to the wider public, yet who wield disproportionate influence.

The crew, in many cases, are even more determined than the leader to tough things out and maintain their own positions. They know that, with a change of regime, their influence and status will be at an end.

I sat in cabinet under two Prime Ministers – Boris Johnson and then Liz Truss – whose leaderships unravelled in different circumstances. Though the details are quite different, there are obvious similarities in the demise of each leader.

The situation in which Starmer finds himself is similar to the fate of the leader he openly despised, Boris Johnson. In both cases, frontbenchers resigned; backbenchers very publicly expressed their discontent. A large proportion of the Labour party now say they want Starmer gone, just as a large portion of the Conservatives wanted Johnson out.

Unlike under Boris, when Rishi Sunak and Sajid Javid quickly resigned, however, Starmer’s senior Cabinet colleagues have been more reluctant actually to leave the Government.

In situations like this, big beasts often fail to act decisively. Senior Cabinet ministers dither and delay, hoping junior members of the Government or even backbenchers will do the heavy lifting. This is cowardly.

On a personal level, the big beasts can be expected to gain the most from toppling the leader. But their status, their sense of pride in their high positions often makes them indecisive. They want, hypocritically, to keep their hands clean. The foot soldiers, unfairly, are expected to do the dirty work of regicide.

I suspect, in Sunak’s case in 2022, it was the comfort of knowing that his lifestyle and ability to pay the bills, so to speak, were not dependent on his political career.

The personal financial circumstances of senior politicians are often overlooked by the media, despite minute scrutiny of tax affairs and the like. But the extent to which people in politics cling to their jobs, for purely practical reasons, is always underestimated.

Frankly, their salaries will take a nose dive once they leave office, so there is a natural desperation to cling on. It sounds grubby to talk like this about elected officials, but politicians are all too human, driven by the same concerns about keeping their livelihood as everyone else.

Anyway, belatedly we hear that some of the Cabinet have found a backbone and have said it is time for Starmer to “consider his position”. We read that Shabana Mahmood and Yvette Cooper have been bold enough to tell the Prime Minister some home truths.

This is very similar to what happened under Johnson. Michael Gove was reported to have given Johnson an ultimatum, only to be fired hours later. Such farcical scenes did not, of course, alter Boris’s fate. There were equally absurd scenes, such as when my predecessor and friend, Nadhim Zahawi accepted the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer under Johnson, only to ask the PM to resign the next day.

Starmer is showing Johnsonian levels of self-belief and stubbornness. This is in marked contrast to Liz Truss who seemed relieved to quit the job, to which, many believed, she had never been temperamentally suited in the first place.

She seemed resigned to her fate in the way that Starmer does not. As for Johnson, he raged against the dying of the light. He would never surrender. He struck Churchillian poses in the ground floor offices at No 10, directly next to the cabinet room.

Starmer is, even now, striking an air of defiance. He will not quit. He will not surrender. He will rule from No 10 for another 10 years. He will turn things round and win elections. This is all, quite obviously, fantastical nonsense. But it is that iron self-belief which propels many of these leaders to the top in the first place, so it doesn’t surprise me.

Starmer is defying his party to drag him out. There is a Mexican standoff, in which each party is pointing a gun at the other. The Prime Minister refuses to leave his post. Yet, his colleagues know, after the multiple humiliations inflicted on the Labour Party last week, they cannot allow him to stay.

In the end, the force of circumstances, the number of ministerial resignations forced Boris Johnson out. But we all now know that this was not a magic bullet for the Conservatives – nor the country.